a[data-mtli~="mtli_filesize348kB"]:after {content:" (348 kB)"}a[data-mtli~="mtli_filesize78kB"]:after {content:" (78 kB)"}lang="en-GB"> Mining royalties will only improve lives when they reach the proper beneficiaries - Corruption Watch
Corruption Watch

Mining royalties will only improve lives when they reach the proper beneficiaries

Corruption Watch (CW) has done extensive work in the field of mining royalties, especially in terms of benefits that should be flowing to mining-affected communities as recompense for the disruption to their lives and lands.

Two CW reports set out the challenges faced not only by the communities, but also by activists and organisations working on their behalf. The first Mining Royalties Research Report found widespread corruption in the failure to provide the most-affected communities with equity benefits and compensation flowing from mining on their land. As a result, those most affected by mining activity continue to live in poverty and hardship without having benefited from mining operations in their areas.

“That was not a standalone report,” said Mashudu Masutha, CW legal researcher in extractives, at a webinar held on 12 August 2021 to mark the launch of a follow-up to this report. “The Public Protector looked into the Bapo ba Mogale community, and found over R600-million that had been siphoned out. The Baloyi commission of inquiry looked into the Bakgatla ba Kgafela community in the North West, where again millions were siphoned.”

The second report, Improving Transparency and Accountability in the Flow of Benefits to Mining Communities, was released with an accompanying Legal Review: Distribution of Mining Equity to Community Trust. It not only emphasises the persistent challenges reflected in the first report, but also suggests interventions that will best shape mechanisms designed to channel benefits to communities, while improving transparency and accountability, and clamping down on corruption.

This form of looting has gone largely under the radar, Masutha said. “It’s not on any policy agenda, it’s not tabled with portfolio committees, it’s not addressed by policy makers.”

The continued exclusion of communities from the consultation and agreement process is a major factor in the rise of corruption and mismanagement in the mining royalties process, and has long-lasting adverse effects on the affected people because they suffer the consequences of decisions they did not make.

Rural communities exploited and excluded

Sociologist Prof Sonwabile Mnwana, a guest speaker at the CW webinar, set the scene for the development of the current environment.

“Mining occurs largely in the former homeland areas, especially in the case studies that have been highlighted in the report,” he said. “As some of us might know, these were spaces of marginalisation, by and large, for black people.”

Those areas, Mnwana explained, were designed by the colonial and apartheid states to confine the majority of citizens of South Africa into poverty and landlessness.

“The customary systems of tenure which Africans have preserved for centuries … are the only way through which villagers could have access to land, and any form of immovable property and land for farming.”

Land is a safety net in these areas, he added. And when it comes to mining, the situation is complicated by the occurrence of platinum group metals on land that is held under customary systems of tenure. Most of the land is assumed to be under administrative control of local traditional authorities, which are empowered to act on behalf of the communities they lead.

The Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) defines community as:

“a group of historically disadvantaged persons with interest or rights in a particular area of land on which the members have or exercise communal rights in terms of an agreement, custom or law: Provided that, where as a consequence of the provisions of this act, negotiations or consultations with the community is required, the community shall include the members or part of the community directly affected by mining on land occupied by such members or part of the community”.

In a submission to the parliamentary committee on mineral resources and energy, on behalf of the Land and Accountability Research Centre (LARC), former LARC head Aninka Claassens pointed out that decision-making usually starts with councils and traditional leaders who represent the traditional communities formerly referred to as ‘tribes’.

In reality, she said, the people directly affected by mining are never whole ‘tribes’ but always families and sub-groups whose homes, fields and grazing land are targeted for mining activities.

So who are the rightful beneficiaries?

One particular area of clarification in the latest CW report focuses on identifying and establishing exactly which people should benefit from mining operations.

“Identifying the communities who are most impacted by mining operations and who deserve to be the recipients of benefits, is critical. Doing so is complex and contentious, as there are layers of people affected,” the report notes.

The recipients are not the traditional authorities, government officials, consultants, mine company employees and others that have jumped at the chance to reap the financial advantages of mining operations – at the expense of the rightful beneficiaries. As pointed out by Claassens, the latter group comprises the households immediately affected by mining, as well as surrounding communities who, while not directly impacted, do bear negative consequences of mining operations.

The Wilgerspruit case study in the CW report is a good example of this, and is one which has become a protracted struggle for the villagers and descendants of the original purchasers of the Wilgerspruit farm, against a mining company and their own traditional leaders. It finally ended up in the Constitutional Court. Known as the Maledu case, it centres on the purchase of the farm in 1919 by a group of villagers, who were compelled to register the land under a recognised Bakgatla ba Kgafela chief as black people were not allowed to own land at that time.

“The land was held in trust for the Bakgatla tribe, and was kept by the state,” said Mnwana.

This is one of the problems identified in the CW report, in that despite the land having been purchased by members of a specific Bakgatla village, the title deed reflected that the then minister of Bantu Administration and Development held it in trust on behalf of the entire Bakgatla community, which is spread out over a far greater area than that directly affected by mining.

So when some mining exploration took place on the land almost a century later, the people who owned the land were not consulted, as the mining company, believing the land to belong to the whole community as reflected in the title deed, negotiated only with the chief, despite protests from community members.

An agreement struck between the chief and the mining company, the villagers learned later, was worth R900-million, of which they did not see a cent. They also learned that the chief and the mine planned to evict them from their legitimately owned land. They obtained legal representation, which was able to halt the mining operations through an interdict. A fight-back by the mine culminated at the Constitutional Court, which held that mining rights do not trump the constitutional rights of the occupiers of the land.

After intense negotiations, the mine and the community entered into a comprehensive settlement agreement that included significant monetary compensation to the community, and a progressive social and labour plan.

Mnwana commented: “One of the key causes of conflict, one could argue, are attempts in the post-apartheid era, by the state in collusion with mining capita, to redefine rural residents living in these former homeland areas as traditional communities.”

This is no different to the way the apartheid state defined Africans in these areas as tribal authorities in the 1950s, he said, and later confined them under the authority of the homeland leaders. This interpretation of apartheid legislation is playing an increasingly significant role in mediation between local communities and mining corporations.

“There’s also an overemphasis, by the state, on the geographical location in defining and identifying the so-called communities or traditional communities.”

Recommendations

Because community trusts, and the mining benefits into which they are paid, are highly vulnerable to unscrupulous and corrupt interests, all parties involved must endeavour to operate in a way that is inclusive, transparent, and based on a commitment to ensuring that mining benefits flow to where they must.

The new CW report seeks to understand and recommend avenues through which such transparency and accountability can be achieved, by means of legal and policy considerations. These will enable communities to not only have the transparency and accountability they desire, but will also ensure economic mobility for these communities.

The complexities in both traditional and mining communities must be taken into account, Masutha said, for the revised legal framework to be considered best practice.

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