More on the national anti-corruption strategy
The national anti-corruption strategy is now open for public discussion. We look at the main take-home points which will inform forward progress.
This author has yet to write their bio.Meanwhile lets just say that we are proud Corruption Watch contributed a whooping 3202 entries.
The national anti-corruption strategy is now open for public discussion. We look at the main take-home points which will inform forward progress.
The South African Police Service is developing a draft anti-corruption strategy which provides for, among others, the establishment of a dedicated internal capability to conduct criminal investigations against members allegedly involved in corrupt and fraudulent activities. Johan Burger and Stefan Grobler of the Institute for Security Studies argue that this is a good idea, provided it is properly staffed and managed.
The decision by the South African Social Services Agency to oppose legal action by Corruption Watch, over irregular expenditure incurred in 2015 for the re-registration of beneficiaries by Cash Paymaster Service, was deemed irrational by the agency. It has withdrawn from the case and its CEO Thokozani Magwaza assured Parliament that Sassa would abide by whatever decision the court makes.
This latest timeline, spanning just two months, shows how President Jacob Zuma and his cronies have been taking punches from all corners, with groups from every sector of society – including the ANC itself – now calling on Zuma to step down amidst allegations of corruption and state capture. The fight back against state capture is well under way. But with the pace of politics accelerating it won’t be over until either Parliament or the ANC itself removes Zuma and his associates from office.
The Eskom saga, involving its former/current CEO Brian Molefe, has got people talking, but it is not always easy to keep up with the rapid revelations. We’ve put together an overview of the major developments, based on information that is in the public domain.
The Auditor-General recently reported to Parliament’s Standing Committee on Public Accounts that it had uncovered payments of R32-million by the government to 30 of its employees who had not obtained permission to bid on government contracts. The Auditor-General’s office expressed concern to the committee that there has been no consequence for public officials doing business with the state, despite recommendations made years ago on how best to address the issue.
The South African government released its draft national anti-corruption strategy on 9 May. The release was delayed by some months. Last year Corruption Watch was engaged in the process that prepared the draft, along with other pertinent civil society organisations. We welcome the initiative, but we know that it will not succeed unless all sectors of business, government and society buy into it.
There can be no doubt that those who vote against their official party line potentially suffer prejudice in the form of both harm to their livelihoods and harm to their persons, writes David Lewis. However, in the case of the upcoming vote of no confidence in President Jacob Zuma, the speaker should know that were she to refuse a secret ballot, she would again be obstructing Parliament’s ability to hold the executive to account.
GroundUp, working with Corruption Watch, has exposed more irregularities in South African schools, where parents whose children attend no-fees schools are nonetheless forced to pay a fee. Parents from Umtapho High School, north of Durban, say the principal withholds their children’s report cards or bars their children from the school if they do not pay up.
