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At a high-level seminar jointly convened on 27 March 2026 by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) and the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) on preventing and disrupting the nexus between organised crime and corruption through upstream interventions, improved coordination, and system-level reform, the message was stark: unless the country shifts decisively toward upstream disruption, the window for reform may close.
South Africa’s battle against organised crime and corruption has reached a critical juncture, delegates agreed. The scale, sophistication, and brazenness of criminal networks – often operating with the complicity of insiders – has pushed the state into what several leaders now openly describe as “crisis mode”.
“We’re in crisis mode,” said Andy Mothibi, head of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA). “The deployment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) is a clear indication that law enforcement agencies and the criminal justice system are currently not sufficiently equipped to handle the rising tide of organised crime.”
The SANDF’s presence on the streets may have reassured communities desperate for safety, but its use also signals something more troubling: a criminal justice system under severe strain. For Mothibi, reliance on the military must be temporary. “There is an immediate need to increase capacity in crime intelligence,” he said, stressing that the goal is a system able to stand on its own once soldiers withdraw.
This sense of urgency was echoed across the panel, which comprised Mothibi, police minister Firoz Cachalia, SIU chief programme portfolio officer Pranesh Maharaj, and Anton du Plessis, the CEO of Business against Crime South Africa.
Du Plessis warned that the country now faces not only rising crime but a deeper erosion of public confidence. “This crisis is different … it now encompasses not only organised crime and corruption but also declining confidence in the rule of law.”
That erosion, he said, is dangerous. Organised crime and corruption do not merely coexist with weak institutions – they actively attack them, hollowing out the very systems meant to protect society.
Corruption an expression of organised crime
One of the seminar’s central themes was the need to stop treating corruption as a lesser, non‑violent offence. Corruption is not adjacent to organised crime – it is one of its core expressions, said Mothibi. “Corruption revolves around influence, gratification, and collusion. It is a form of organised crime, and as such, must be addressed with strategies tailored to dismantling its networks.”
Additionally, procurement remains the epicentre of corruption, he said. SIU investigations repeatedly show how ostensibly legitimate tenders are manipulated through collusion between public officials and private actors. On paper, the contracts comply with regulations; in reality, funds are siphoned off and public infrastructure never materialises.
Unlike violent crimes, corruption’s damage is slower and more insidious, said Mothibi. “Its harm lies in its ability to erode public trust and collapse institutions.”
For decades, South Africa’s response has leaned heavily toward downstream enforcement: investigations, arrests, prosecutions. While these remain essential, speakers were unanimous that enforcement alone cannot reverse systemic decay, consistently emphasising that communication is a strategic anti‑corruption tool which is essential for restoring public trust, shaping behaviour, and countering criminal narratives.
Mothibi stressed that enforcement without visibility undermines deterrence and legitimacy.
“There is significant good work being done within the NPA and by its predecessors, but much of it goes unnoticed by the public. Regular prosecutions and sentencing of corrupt individuals often do not receive sufficient public attention,” he said, adding that the NPA aims to “overhaul its communication strategies, working in partnership with the Government Communications and Information System”.
Mothibi also highlighted asset recovery as a visible deterrent, citing “the NPA’s seizure of around R82.32-million in luxury assets linked to the asbestos housing scandal” and noting that confiscation “undermines criminal networks”.
Wide-scale behaviour change needed
In the Q&A, David Lewis pointed out a dangerous narrative vacuum on organised crime and corruption. Lewis recounted how a police officer recently praised Vusimuzi ‘Cat’ Matlala, whom Lewis described as being “revered by local youth as an example of success outside the system”.
Lewis argued that “changing the mindset of South Africans is essential for progress” and that this cannot be achieved through sporadic media releases alone. What is required, he argued, is “a comprehensive behaviour change programme, similar in scale to Soul City and adapted for the age of social media”. Furthermore, said Lewis, leaders of key institutions must become visible champions in the fight against corruption.
Another participant, Chane Bruwer, reiterated the need for behaviour change communication, stating that “a fundamental shift in societal values across South Africa” is required. Bruwer suggested that “a lack of societal change and insufficient community‑based initiatives have hindered success in the fight against corruption and that a lack of adequate mechanisms exist for individuals to safely report concerns before they escalate to crises”.
Proactive rather than reactive
The concept gaining traction is “upstreaming” – intervening earlier in administrative systems, regulatory processes, and data flows to prevent criminal networks from embedding themselves in the first place.
Gareth Newham, advisor to the acting minister of police, reflected on how past warnings were ignored. “The national crime prevention strategy of 1996 had four pillars, three of which focused on prevention,” he said. “Only the law enforcement pillar was implemented.”
The consequences of that imbalance are now painfully clear. Organised crime, Newham argued, does not decline with economic growth. “Evidence shows that organised crime often grows alongside the economy and acts as a drag on economic progress.”
The shift underway now is toward disruption – breaking the systems that allow corruption and organised crime to flourish, rather than simply arresting individuals once damage is done.
A detailed picture of this upstream approach was outlined by Jonathan Timm from the Department of Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation, who provided an overview of ecosystem of initiatives coordinated by the Presidency to make corruption “increasingly difficult to perpetrate”.
At the centre is the National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2020-2030, overseen by the Presidency and supported by the National Anti-Corruption Advisory Council. Alongside this sits a rigorous tracking of the Zondo commission’s recommendations – 60 specific actions, of which around 60% are already complete or substantially complete.
One of the most significant innovations is the system for tracking SIU recommendations. Rather than allowing findings to languish in reports, this mechanism follows criminal referrals, disciplinary actions, administrative sanctions, and civil recoveries across multiple institutions.
Equally important is the creation of a central register for dismissals and resignations with pending disciplinary cases. “This register addresses the issue of public officials moving between different spheres of government without accountability,” Timm explained, noting that more than 12 000 records are already included.
Perhaps the most ambitious upstream intervention emanating from the Presidency, according to Timm, is the digital transformation programme known as My Mzansi. Initially designed as a citizen‑facing services portal, it is evolving into something far more consequential for anti‑corruption efforts.
At its core is a digital identity system operated by the Department of Home Affairs, intended to establish a single source of truth across government. Integrated with data‑sharing platforms and digital payments, it promises to eliminate the fragmentation that corruption exploits.
“These anti-corruption initiatives are not linear,” Timm cautioned. “Small, upstream interventions may seem tentative at first, but they lay the groundwork for more significant progress in the future.”
Coordination is key to success
If fragmentation and working in silos are corruption’s greatest allies, coordination is its most potent enemy. Yet, as the SIU’s Maharaj observed, “The one thing we’re very good at is implementing in silos.”
To counter this, the SIU has introduced anti‑corruption sectoral forums, bringing together regulators, departments, private sector actors, and civil society around specific sectors such as health and water.
“The purpose is to collaboratively identify and examine issues affecting the sector,” Maharaj explained, “and determine which participants are most equipped to address specific matters.”
In the water sector, civil society reports of “water tank mafias” now feed directly into coordinated responses involving the SIU, NPA, and police. The forums also ensure that referrals are tracked, with continuous feedback on progress.
Several speakers repeatedly emphasise the protection of whistle-blowers as both a moral and strategic imperative. Witness assassinations and intimidation have created a climate of fear that suppresses intelligence before it can trigger investigations.
“We cannot overemphasise the importance of whistleblowers and the information that they bring forward,” said Maharaj.
The state must lead
Business has a key role to play, but the state must lead, said Du Plessis. “There can be no parallel processes.”
Instead, private sector expertise should be deployed in tightly governed ways, particularly in data analytics, digital forensics, and evidence support.
One proposal gaining momentum is the creation of government‑led fusion centres, consolidating data and intelligence around high‑risk areas such as procurement. By automating processes and embedding shared priorities into performance indicators, these centres could rapidly close loopholes exploited by criminal syndicates.
Despite the scale of the challenge, there was a thread of cautious optimism running through the discussion. Du Plessis described the present moment as a rare “reform window”.
“The rule of law is now politically indispensable,” he said. “This issue resonates deeply with South Africans, and it commands sustained political attention and will.”
But reform windows do not stay open forever. Organised crime thrives on delay, fragmentation, and fatigue. The seminar’s message was clear: disruption must be decisive, coordinated, and visible – before criminal networks entrench themselves beyond reach.
As Newham put it after three decades of studying these dynamics, “The shift towards recognising and addressing organised crime at the highest levels of government signals progress and offers hope for meaningful change.”
Whether that hope translates into lasting reform now depends on how quickly South Africa can move upstream – before crisis becomes collapse.
