Closing arguments: government depts
In part two of our summary of closing arguments at the Arms Procurement Commission, we look at what government departments had to say. It was predictable, to say the least.
This author has yet to write their bio.Meanwhile lets just say that we are proud Corruption Watch contributed a whooping 3111 entries.
In part two of our summary of closing arguments at the Arms Procurement Commission, we look at what government departments had to say. It was predictable, to say the least.
In the first of our three-part summary of closing arguments in the Arms Procurement Commission, which wrapped up at the end of June, the evidence leaders conceded that there might have been improper behaviour on the part of some arms dealers, but insisted that the equipment bought was being productively used.
Our zero this week is the police minister Nathi Nhleko, for his clumsy and opaque handling of his part of the Nkandla saga, and for not clarifying his statement that more taxpayers’ money might have to be dished out on beefing up security features. These, some would say, have already cost far too much.
In May, the deputy minister for constitutional development announced that an information regulator would soon be appointed in terms of the Protection of Personal Information Act. What is the role of the information regulator? How does the appointment process work? Would there be recourse for interested parties if unsuitable candidates were to be selected?
South Africa failed to make a memorable impression on the World Justice Project’s 2015 Rule of Law Index. The index, which this year features 102 countries, measures how the rule of law is experienced by the general public in everyday life around the world.
Corruption Watch is on the steering committee of the upcoming People’s March against Corruption. The march is set to take place in Pretoria on 19 August and is a country-wide protest against the seemingly never-ending corruption that’s crippling our country – watch this space for more details.
South Africa’s electoral system requires reform because, while it does support important democratic values of fairness and inclusivity, it is weak on the value of accountability. A report by an electoral task team recommended reforms to boost this value – but it has languished in Parliament since being tabled in 2003.
Our zeroes this week are all those who promote the culture of underperforming or crooked employees resigning or reaching settlements, rather than facing the music for irregular activities. This includes those on the giving as well as the receiving side.
It seems the ace in every politician’s hand is the sub judice rule, which somehow makes difficult questions go away. What does sub judice mean, and why are these words so powerful?
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